His Excellency Hong Soon-young
Minister of Foreign Affairs and Trade, Republic of Korea

"Northeast Asia in the 21st Century: Envisioning the Evolution of a Regional Community"

President [Curtis] Mack, Vice President [Gary] Larsen, esteemed guests, ladies and gentlemen, thank you for inviting me to speak to all of you. I am honored and pleased to have this opportunity to share my thoughts on the future of Northeast Asia with the members of the Los Angeles World Affairs Council and the Asia Society. I am deeply grateful for your abiding interest in and support for my government’s efforts to make Korea a more peaceful and prosperous place. With broadening horizons and great expectations for the 21st century, the Republic of Korea is bracing itself for the new age.

Los Angeles and California -- out of all U.S. cities and states -- have nurtured the most extensive and practical ties and people-to-people links with Korea. As leaders of this area, your views matter a great deal to Korea, and will continue to matter in the coming years.

From the vantage point of this great city on the Pacific coast, teaming with economic vitality and vibrant Asian-American communities, Korea and Northeast Asia seem so much more immediate and relevant than when contemplated in Washington or New York. So, this evening, as I offer you a preliminary description of my vision for Korea and its place in Northeast Asia in the 21st century, I believe that I have the most receptive and caring audience. I look forward to my own thoughts being enriched by your comments and questions.

Let me begin with what is most important. Well into the new millennium, the Korea-U.S. alliance will remain the bulwark of Korea’s endeavors to take on a more active, assertive role on the regional and global stage. In order to establish a peaceful coexistence on the Korean peninsula, to promote a sense of community in Northeast Asia, and to make its mark in the global arena, the Republic of Korea will continue close consultation and coordination with the United States.

Korea-U.S. relations have come a long way since Korea’s independence, in particular [since] the days of the Korean War when the Republic of Korea was rescued from Communist aggression by the allied forces spearheaded by the United States. The years of Korea’s rapid economic growth were also largely made possible by generous U.S. assistance and its open markets. The United States has been the key source of inspiration for the growth of democratic values and market principles in Korea. Now, Korea and the United States are major trading partners and like-minded practitioners of democracy and market economy. The Korea-U.S. security alliance is the bedrock of peace and security on the Korean peninsula and the surrounding region. In the international arena, the two countries are close partners in the efforts to deal with regional and global challenges. The mutual trust that only genuine democracies can enjoy has been greatly enhanced by President Kim Dae-jung’s government’s unwavering commitment to democracy and open market economy. From one-sided reliance to two-way, multi-faceted ties of mutual benefit, the relationship has grown for half a century. This growth will and should continue.

Indeed, in a changing world nothing stands still and nothing should be taken for granted. Just as nations must adapt and grow, relationships must also evolve with the times. Just as mature, durable and mutually gratifying human friendships are based on reciprocity and mutual respect, the growth of the Korea-U.S. friendship should take place in the direction of greater equality and balance.

Both sides will benefit from the growing maturity. Amid the spread and strengthening of democratic values and practices around the world, the leadership of the sole superpower will be most effective when based upon moral authority and global consensus. In building global support, the United States will be able to count on Korea as a trusted friend. Furthermore, a Korea--perceived by regional neighbors and the international community as an independent voice and a close friend of the United States--will be able to enjoy greater influence and prestige on the regional and global stage. Closer to home, greater equality will alleviate the anti-American sentiment that surfaces in Korea now and then. The resentment, in my view, is primarily due to the public perception in Korea that the relationship is lopsided. There are a number of pending issues between the two countries that tend to perpetuate this perception--such as the prolonged talks over the revision of the Status of Forces of Agreement. It is important that the issues be resolved in the spirit of mutual respect if they are not to stand in the way of a mature Korea-U.S. partnership for the new century.

Of course, given the growing complexity and scope of relations, there is bound to be some problem somewhere to deal with. However, as long as we share common values and principles, we should not be afraid of cases of honest differences.

Based on the strength of the relationship, our two allies can meet any challenge. The point is well illustrated by the close coordination applied in dealing with North Korea. South Korea and the United States, together with Japan, have maintained steady, wind-proof coordination in keeping the engagement policy on track vis-a-vis the world’s most unpredictable and reclusive regime. Despite North Korea’s attempts to provoke and drive a wedge between us, we have maintained an integrated voice in urging North Korea to do away with its defiance and join us in peaceful coexistence and exchanges.

This close coordination undergirds Dr. William Perry’s recommendations on U.S. policy toward North Korea, which presents a comprehensive package of what the three countries can give North Korea in return for the North pledging no further provocations, no nuclear weapons and no more threats of missiles.

Building upon our engagement policy, the Perry package was released two weeks ago in the wake of the fruitful conclusion of the talks in Berlin between U.S. and North Korean negotiators. The two sides reached the understanding that North Korea would not launch another missile while continuing to negotiate towards improved relations with the United States. The United States, in return, announced the easing of the economic sanctions that had been placed upon North Korea.

In itself, the outcome of the Berlin talks may be just a small step for peace. On the surface, all it has accomplished for the time being is to deter North Korea from proceeding with a missile test-launch that it had prepared for--a significant feat. Such a launch would certainly have been detrimental to regional stability. I believe, however, the significance goes well beyond one missile test-firing put on hold. I believe it is an indication that North Korea is finally leaning toward accepting the Perry proposal.

Given its evasiveness, we have not expected North Korea to respond to the Perry proposal--conveyed to Pyongyang by Dr. Perry in late May--with a prompt yes or no. However, the expectation has been that, in light of its dire economic needs, North Korea would seriously weigh the consequences, find the offer too attractive to turn down and, in the end, have to accept it. We do not expect North Korea to explicitly state so, but I believe its forthcoming attitude in Berlin is a signal that the thinking in Pyongyang has tipped in favor of going along with the proposal.

The positive turn-of-events would not have come about without the close coordination between South Korea, the United States and Japan. The public support of China and Russia for our engagement policy, the result of South Korea’s assiduous diplomatic efforts, has also been instrumental.

Thus, we remain hopeful that the engagement policy will bear fruit and free the Korean peninsula from the final grip of the Cold War. It is difficult to say when this will happen, but when it does take place, the result will be a large peace dividend to be shared by both North and South Korea, the United States and other players of Northeast Asia.

Picture a Korean peninsula no longer stifled by the possibility of military conflict, ready to take on the new age of reconciliation and co-prosperity with all of its vitality and resources. Think of the role it can play as a secure, independent-thinking middle power. Think of its values as a staunch ally and fellow democrat of the world’s sole superpower.

Of course, the premise is that Korea, divided or unified, will be a peace-loving, non-nuclear and democratic nation, a fair and open competitor dedicated to market rules in the domestic and global economies, and an active force of peace and prosperity in the region and beyond. This is my vision of Korea in the new century; I place it in a Northeast Asia, tied together by shared expectations and growing interdependencies among the countries of the region, evolving toward a regional community.

Northeast Asia, of course, is not merely a geographical term. For the myriad of ties that bind it to the region and its countries, the United States is an integral part of Northeast Asia. My view of the present and future Northeast Asia presupposes the United States continuing to play a stabilizing role. In a region where the interests of the world’s major powers intersect and old grievances linger, the role of the United States--for the stability of the region--will continue to be relied upon.

Is a regional community a likely prospect in Northeast Asia? Many would answer in the negative. They say that the different countries of the region have different perceptions and agendas. They point to their many disagreements and rivalries. Indeed, in light of the present realities, the idea of a Northeast Asian community may appear to be idealistic.

However, a vision by nature is idealistic. It is based on the present but goes beyond the present realities. It takes into account the difficult challenges, but offers the hope that they can be overcome. It should inspire and motivate, rather than discourage and sadden. It should also be something that enhances the "we-ness" in people, rather than underscoring their differences. The countries of Northeast Asia could use such a vision to strengthen region-wide dialogue and cooperation.

Furthermore, history calls for the evolution of community. Convergence rather than divergence, tolerance rather than exclusion are the dictates of globalization. Growing interdependencies are already creating numerous forms of integration in other parts of the world. Civilizations at the turn of the century are harmonizing rather than clashing, as nations of different cultures and political systems become more and more willing to live with and benefit from one another. I see no inherent reason why Northeast Asia should be an exception to the global trend.

Indeed, alongside the forces for divergence, there are forces of convergence actively working for the growing sense of community in the region. Foremost is the market economy that is homogenizing the countries of the region along shared expectations, modes of interaction, and aspirations for peace and prosperity. Another area that is bringing the countries of the region together is the growing concern over the shared environment, which may offer a good starting point for community-building dialogue and joint problem-solving.

One doubt about the possibility of a Northeast Asian community rests upon the argument that the three neighbors of China, Japan, and Korea are historically just "too close for comfort." Indeed, the past has been inhospitable for the development of close, neighborly relations among the three countries. However, the past has begun to be overcome. With President Kim Dae-jung’s visit to Japan last year, Korea and Japan have effectively closed the chapter on the unfortunate past and have begun to build a new partnership for the 21st century. Korea-China relations have also taken a definite turn toward the future. China’s full support of South Korea’s engagement policy to ensure peace and stability on the Korean peninsula is a telling sign of the comprehensive partnership that has begun to grow between the two sides. Between China and Japan, the past has yet to be fully resolved, but the two countries already matter too much to each other economically for the unresolved grievance to cause a serious rift. With the right occasion, it will not be long before the two sides are able to set out towards a future-oriented partnership. The synergy of the three countries--Korea, China and Japan--sharing much in terms of their cultural roots and heritage, working as close neighbors toward a common future, should greatly accelerate community-building in Northeast Asia.

If such a prospect sounds unconvincing, we need only to look at the past experience of community-building in other parts of the world. Most notable in this regard is the integration of Europe. The whole process began with a few men of wisdom in Germany and France who brought the two former enemies of World War II to share their industries--beginning with the steel sector--in the belief that interdependence is the surest way to prevent another war between the two sides. They were indeed wise in thinking that strengthening interdependence is the road to peace. But even they should be surprised to find out that their small beginning has led to the European Union with a common currency. With political will and vision, it would not be all that difficult to take a small but meaningful step towards community-building in Northeast Asia, where a great degree of interdependence already exists among the region’s countries.

From Korea’s viewpoint, the idea of a Northeast Asian community is not an intellectual luxury but an earnest aspiration. Situated at the geopolitical center of the region, Korea’s fate is inextricably linked to the ups and downs in the relations among the four powers. Korea must do what it can to facilitate the ups and mitigate the downs. In the long term, when the surrounding region becomes a community of congenial, supportive, and trusting neighbors, Korea will be able to optimize its abilities and resources for peace and prosperity within and beyond the peninsula.

There are key elements that must be obtained for the vision of a Northeast Asian community to become a reality. First, a lasting peace on the Korean peninsula must be achieved. The Korean peninsula must cease to be a potential flash-point that threatens the stability of the region. Thus, South Korea, together with the United States and Japan will continue to pursue engagement with North Korea.

Second, U.S.-China relations must continue to grow. The bi-lateral relationship between the two powers will be the key axis around which the regional and global order of the 21st century will revolve. The strategic value of the U.S.-China relationship for regional and global peace and prosperity is too important to be overlooked even in times of rifts and disagreements. Albeit with limited means, Korea will do what it can for closer, more cooperative U.S.-China ties.

Third, the relationship between China and Japan must also be taken to higher grounds. The recent strains over Japan’s TMD plans and new defense guidelines may appear to dim the prospect of a genuine partnership developing between the two sides. However, there is too much in shared interests for the two countries to part their ways. As with the United States, Japan should further expand its economic and substantial ties with China. In the age of the primacy of economics, strengthened political and security ties should follow in due course of time. Here again, as the unpretentious power in the middle, Korea can play a facilitating role.

On the eve of the new millennium, such is the vision I harbor for Northeast Asia. Perhaps it will take the whole of the new century to realize the vision. But having a vision makes a huge difference in our ability to act upon the present to chart the road to the future. I tend to believe in the power of self-fulfilling prophecies. It is only by acting upon our hopes and beliefs that we can turn them into reality.

Who better to appreciate that the future is what we make of it than the people of this city of dreams. Indeed, Los Angeles and California would be one of the greatest beneficiaries of a thriving, harmonious community in Northeast Asia. And who better to facilitate the realization of that vision than the world-minded, Asia-oriented leaders gathered here. I hope all of you will become active forces for the evolution of the Northeast Asian community in the new century.

Thank you for your kind attention.